Doctor and activist

Notice: Undefined index: hide_archive_titles in /home/chesterf/public_html/wp-content/themes/modern-business/includes/theme-functions.php on line 233

Category: Insurance

Government protects Bonuses of iCare Executives while workers are dudded.

20 May 2022

Some things make me unspeakably angry.

In the SMH online today the government giving bonuses to executives who presided over iCare cheating injured people out of their payments and treatments.

In my real job, I treat injured workers and motor vehicle accidents. Many wait more than a year for surgery- my longest was 9 years. They are subjected to Independent Medical Examinations that find any other reason than their accident for the cause of their pain. Age, previous injury and arthritis are the commonest ones.  It is stated that they are fit for work, when they are obviously not, or that they can get another job when they obviously have no physical or mental capacity to do another job, let alone compete for one. 

The ongoing inefficiency of the computer algorithms making decisions without even anyone being responsible was the brainchild of John Nagle, whose other bright idea was to change his KPI (Key Performance Indicator) from getting people back to work, to having them declared fit to be back to work.  Nagle resigned after a bad day at a Parliamentary inquiry. All this happened while iCare was under Treasurer Dominic Perrottet. 

A friend of mine injured his back lifting on a Friday. He called his GP and visited him on Saturday. He had an MRI scan on Monday which showed a bad disc injury, saw the neurosurgeon on Thursday, had a discectomy on Saturday and went home on Monday. All fixed in 8 days. That is what should happen. It never happens in the WC or CTP system.

The Workers Comp system takes 14 days to accept liability, then has to ‘decide’ if the treatment is appropriate, so weeks go by, and if they dispute it, years. People wait 3 months for the insurer’s medical examination, 6 weeks for the result of it, another couple of months for their specialist examination and a few months for the government medical to settle the dispute.  And they blame the injured people for the worse results out of the system, and give bonuses to those who managed to reduce the costs.  Given the huge administrative machinery, the clerk, investigators, extra medical examiners, lawyers, dispute resolvers and the rest, all the savings come from not treating people.  And those responsible get bonuses, and the government, ever keen not to upset the private sector ring-ins makes sure that they are amply rewarded for this appalling situation.  Perrottet, the most recent architect of iCare, had a 2nd inquiry by McDougall to kick the can down the road, then rose to be premier before his report was out. 

Here is the SMH article:

Government votes to protect bonuses for icare executives

By Lucy Cormack

May 20, 2022 — 5.00am

The Perrottet government has protected bonus payments for icare executives, rejecting a bid to ban the practice after revelations millions of dollars in bonuses were handed out while injured workers were underpaid.

The attempt to strip bonuses from executives at the state insurer was contained in Opposition amendments blocked in the lower house this week during a vote to amend the state insurance and care legislation.

Icare has been the subject of intense scrutiny since an investigation by the Herald and ABC TV’s Four Corners in 2020 revealed the underpayment of workers while senior executives claimed almost $4 million in salaries and bonuses.

The insurer, which provides workers’ compensation insurance to 3.6 million public and private sector employees in NSW, has since been forced to repay $38 million to 53,000 injured workers.

The scandal prompted the government to amend legislation governing icare, following a review by former judge Robert McDougall, QC.

More than 200 icare employees are entitled to bonuses, including chief executive officer Richard Harding, who is entitled to an incentive of $411,000.

Opposition treasury spokesman Daniel Mookhey said there was little justification for bonuses while the insurer continued to record billions of dollars in underwriting losses.

“Employers are staring down the barrel of a decade of rising premiums, yet the government is protecting bonuses for top executives at Australia’s most disaster-prone insurer,” Mookhey said.

“We intend to stand up for employers and injured workers. We will fight against lavish bonuses for icare’s top executives in the Legislative Council next week.”

During debate on Wednesday, Minister for the State Insurance Regulatory Authority Victor Dominello said the McDougall Review had not found executive bonuses at icare were excessive.

He said McDougall noted the benefit of allowing icare to set competitive salaries to “attract appropriate talent”

The Herald last year revealed icare hired 18 new executives with potential annual bonuses collectively worth more than $1.2 million, while employee operating costs have increased from $162 million to more than $200 million since 2020.

However, an icare spokesman previously told the Herald no executive bonuses have been paid in the past two years.

Unions NSW boss Mark Morey wrote to NSW MPs last week calling for reforms to address “repeated governance, financial and operational crises”, including ending executive bonuses.

Other proposed reforms included enforcing the same procurement laws that govern the NSW public sector, from which icare is exempt, and appointing an injured worker to the board.

Morey on Thursday said the government had missed an opportunity to “clean up” the state insurer.

“How can the premier justify continued bonuses for highly paid executives when sick and injured workers have been dudded and small businesses are paying increased premiums?” he said.

Other changes sought by the government included additional powers for the State Insurance Regulatory Authority and expanded access to commutation, which allows injured workers to negotiate lump sum payments and exit the system, rather than remain on weekly payments.

However, the government agreed to withdraw its proposal to allow changes to commutations via regulation and reconsider them in future legislation.

Opposition spokeswoman for industrial relations, work, health and safety Sophie Cotsis said she was pleased the government had agreed to consult further on lump sum payments, arguing that regulation should not be used to expand the system.

The State Insurance and Care Legislation Amendment Bill 2022 will now move to the upper house, where the opposition will make another attempt to ban bonuses.

Continue Reading

Bullshit Jobs

8 April 2022

The idea of bullshit jobs is not new. It comes from a book in 2018.

However, with employment supposedly doing well, largely because we have excluded guest workers due to Covid, it is worth looking at how many jobs are actually needed.

Everyone needs something to do and a reasonable income to live on. The status of having a job relates generally to its perceived income, though there is some ‘doing good’ status associated with jobs like nursing despite their being chronically underpaid.

But technology replacing people has not brought the expected benefits because there seems no plan to spread the benefits evenly, or look at whether what is being done has any social utility. Many jobs that need doing are not done. Many people who want to work cannot, yet much energy and money is spent doing useless things.

I waste about 80% of my time as I treat Workers Comp and CTP injuries. About 20% of my time is deciding what treatment is needed, and about 80% filling in paperwork or writing reports to try to get the treatments paid for. On the other side there are a phalanx of clerks trying not to pay and to transfer the costs elsewhere. (i.e. to Private Health Insurance, Medicare or the patient themselves). Many doctors and lawyers also strive mightily in this unproductive area. The bottom line is that while the overheads of Medicare are about 4.5%, the overheads of CTP are close to 50%,; i.e half the money goes in processing or disputing claims or in profits for the companies indulging in this nonsense. And since many patients often cannot get the treatment or suffer long delays because of their efforts, it is a really bad use of human energy.

Someone needs to look hard at what we do and where the benefits go. Assuming that ‘the market’ will fix it is about as sensible as saying that ‘God’ will fix it, and is usually espoused with the same uncritical zeal.

Here is Wikipedia summary of the book:

In Bullshit Jobs, American anthropologist David Graeber posits that the productivity benefits of automation have not led to a 15-hour workweek, as predicted by economist John Maynard Keynes in 1930, but instead to “bullshit jobs”: “a form of paid employment that is so completely pointless, unnecessary, or pernicious that even the employee cannot justify its existence even though, as part of the conditions of employment, the employee feels obliged to pretend that this is not the case.”[1] While these jobs can offer good compensation and ample free time, Graeber holds that the pointlessness of the work grates at their humanity and creates a “profound psychological violence”.[1]

The author contends that more than half of societal work is pointless, both large parts of some jobs and, as he describes, five types of entirely pointless jobs:

flunkies, who serve to make their superiors feel important, e.g., receptionists, administrative assistants, door attendants, store greeters, makers of websites whose sites neglect ease of use and speed for looks;
goons, who act to harm or deceive others on behalf of their employer, e.g., lobbyists, corporate lawyers, telemarketers, public relations specialists, community managers;
duct tapers, who temporarily fix problems that could be fixed permanently, e.g., programmers repairing bloated code, airline desk staff who calm passengers whose bags do not arrive;
box tickers, who create the appearance that something useful is being done when it is not, e.g., survey administrators, in-house magazine journalists, corporate compliance officers, quality service managers;
taskmasters, who create extra work for those who do not need it, e.g., middle management, leadership professionals.[2][1]

Graeber argues that these jobs are largely in the private sector despite the idea that market competition would root out such inefficiencies. In companies, he concludes that the rise of service sector jobs owes less to economic need than to “managerial feudalism”, in which employers need underlings in order to feel important and maintain competitive status and power.[1][2] In society, he credits the Puritan-capitalist work ethic for making the labor of capitalism into religious duty: that workers did not reap advances in productivity as a reduced workday because, as a societal norm, they believe that work determines their self-worth, even as they find that work pointless. Graeber describes this cycle as “profound psychological violence”[2] and “a scar across our collective soul”.[3] Graeber suggests that one of the challenges to confronting our feelings about bullshit jobs is a lack of a behavioral script in much the same way that people are unsure of how to feel if they are the object of unrequited love. In turn, rather than correcting this system, Graeber writes, individuals attack those whose jobs are innately fulfilling.[3]

Graeber holds that work as a source of virtue is a recent idea, that work was disdained by the aristocracy in classical times, but inverted as virtuous through then-radical philosophers like John Locke. The Puritan idea of virtue through suffering justified the toil of the working classes as noble.[2] And so, Graeber continues, bullshit jobs justify contemporary patterns of living: that the pains of dull work are suitable justification for the ability to fulfill consumer desires, and that fulfilling those desires is indeed the reward for suffering through pointless work. Accordingly, over time, the prosperity extracted from technological advances has been reinvested into industry and consumer growth for its own sake rather than the purchase of additional leisure time from work.[1] Bullshit jobs also serve political ends, in which political parties are more concerned about having jobs than whether the jobs are fulfilling. In addition, he contends, populations occupied with busy work have less time to revolt.[3]

As a potential solution, Graeber suggests universal basic income, a livable benefit paid to all, without qualification, which would let people work at their leisure.[2] The author credits a natural human work cycle of cramming and slacking as the most productive way to work, as farmers, fishers, warriors, and novelists vary in the rigor of work based on the need for productivity, not the standard working hours, which can appear arbitrary when compared to cycles of productivity. Graeber contends that time not spent pursuing pointless work could instead be spent pursuing creative activities.[1]

Continue Reading

Loneliness and its solutions

25 February 2022

I sometimes watch Foreign Correspondent on ABC TV and by chance on 15/2/21 I came across this excellent programme on loneliness in Japan.

The ABC correspondent there looks at loneliness in the Japanese population from older folk dying alone, to younger people simply withdrawing from society.

Some of the older ones had no family or jobs. Some of the younger ones were so pressured to succeed and felt that they had failed, so simply withdrew from society. It seems that the pressure on kids all to be CEOs is an absurd and unachievable objective.

I am not sure that the situation in Australia is as bad, but I thought about some of my patients and could think of half a dozen immediately. With some of them , I am one of the only two or three people in the world they have any contact with, their relationships are tenuous.

None of them started with mental health problems. Here are some examples:

A 60 year old man worked for a security company looking after an insurance company. He was doing surveillance for them, but it took over his life as he was contacted 24 hours a day for various crises. Case management employees having conscience over what they were doing had to be rescued from self-harm in the toilets. Enraged claimants with refused claims threatened to blow up the company offices with cans of petrol. He saw staff high-fiveing as some claimant got a derisory settlement when they deserved and needed a lot more. It went on like this for years. When he said that he could not do this anymore he was treated as badly as any of the people he had dealt with. He told me this story, and I had hoped that with his considerable management skills and experience, he could be put into a less stressful position. But he deteriorated. Everything reminds him of the corruption of the world. He is estranged from his wife and they communicate with post-it notes on the frig. He goes for a walk at 11 at night so he will not have to speak to people in the street. One son has stuck by him and visits daily, and will build him a self-contained unit in his new home.

Another patient is a 62 year old ethnic taxi driver who was so badly bashed 11 years ago by a gang stealing his takings that he lost an eye, has never worked again and never recovered mentally or physically. He was divorced; lives alone and sometimes will not even answer the phone.

One is a 42 year old foreign student who came to study theology, wanting to become a pastor. Her English is not great. She is a trifle unworldly, and thought that the world is basically kind and people look after each other. She had a casual job in a motel and her boss asked her to move a bed down the stairs between floors. She said it was too heavy and she could not, but he threatened to sack her. She did it and got an injury to two discs in her back. She was frightened to have surgery, so was in agony for a couple of years and eventually agreed. She had minimal surgery, which was not successful. The insurer decided that she was not complying with what they wanted so refused to pay her. She was effectively broke and homeless, so an old lady from her church offered her a bed and food. But she lives a long way away and up a drive that is hard for my patient to walk up. She was effectively trapped. As a foreign person she did not even have Medicare for the minimal psychological help it offers (6 visits a year). Her mental health deteriorated and she shunned all outside contact, and would not even answer the phone. She has gone home to her family- I can only hope she improves there.

One is a 39 year old from a religious and teetotal family with a high sense of ethics. He was a top salesman of a computer company and became aware that they were ripping off some customers. He drew this to management’s attention, but they declined to do anything and he was labelled a whistleblower. Management supported him by putting out an email asking that he be supported for his mental health issues. He felt that this ostracisation was the end of his career, because he had asked them to behave ethically. He was certain that no one in his tight top group will now employ him, so he withdrew and started to drink to lessen the pain. His family then rejected him because of the drinking and his sales friends are estranged also. The psychologist gives him Cognitive Behavioural Therapy exercises and I try to get him to drink less and somewhat ironically counsel him that you cannot withdraw from the world merely because the baddies generally win. He lives alone, answers the phone and is just able to do his own shopping, but is not improving much.

These are just some examples that I know. Coasting home as GP at least keeps you in contact with life. The point is that many people have broken lives, but just keep living. None of these examples have done anything wrong themselves. Is a sense of ethics a mental illness?

As everyone has to ‘look after themselves’ in a consumer-oriented society, more people will fall through the cracks, especially as the gap between rich and poor is enlarged by pork barrelling which puts resources into areas that need them less, tax breaks for the rich, subsidies for private schools and private health insurance, derisory welfare payments, and insurers allowed simply to refuse to pay without penalty.

People need basic support with universal housing and universal health case. They need jobs or at least occupations and an adequate income to survive. And we need outreach and support services that can be called upon.
When people say, ‘There are not enough jobs’, they are taking nonsense. Anyone can think of many worthwhile things that need doing. And there are plenty of people who would be happy to do them. The problem is that in a world where nothing can be done that does not make a profit, a lot of things that need doing are not done. That is where the policy change are needed. We cannot simply look at the money and see to what level existing activities can be maintained. We need to look at what needs to be done, and then work out how to achieve it. We need to decide that everyone has a right to live and those who have a good life will live in a better society if everyone can share at least a basic quality of life. There has to be recognition that the ability to be profitable need not be the overwhelming criterion for what is done. Tax may go up, but if there is real re-think of priorities, it is not likely to be all that much.

The link to the ABC program that initiated this tirade is below.

Continue Reading

iCare will repay 53,000 underpaid injured workers

11 November 2021

iCare, the State workers’ compensation insurer has admitted that it has underpaid thousands of workers and will now repay them, according to an article in today’s SMH.

This story has been leaking out in the media for ages.  At a day to day level, my patients have always complained that they get a lot less in compo than they got before their injury. This has been even for workers on regular salaries. Those on casual work were in a worse situation as there was some argument about what their PIAWE (Pre-Injury Average Weekly Earnings) were, especially if they got variable hours from a labour-hire company.

When this scandal first broke, I tried to tell my patients to ask iCare if they had been underpaid and some did.  It seemed that iCare could not work out what their PIAWEs were. It did not have the data. In that employers’ future premiums related to how much was paid out in claims, it suited both the employers and the insurers to minimise their PIAWE, so if a low amount was put in, there was little incentive to check it up.  Now, a few years later, iCare would need a forensic accountant going through the employer’s books to get to the correct amount. This is unlikely to happen.

So while this promise is a start, it is hard to believe that it will be enough to see justice done.

Workers’ Compensation has always been seen as a cost for business rather than a moral obligation to pay for people injured at work. Generally it is about minimising the cost of the payout, rather than having an energetic injury prevention programme.

The Minister in charge is the Treasurer, so all of this happened on Dominic Perrottet’s watch. Matt Kean, the new Treasurer may be more sympathetic, and this will help, but we still need a lot better enforcement of safety to prevent accidents, and much more power to injured people to ensure that they are correctly paid.

It illustrates that active Unions are necessary to redress the power imbalances in the the system. Legislation without enforcement is just words on a page, just as apologies from banks and insurance companies for rip-offs are just sound vibrations in the air.

Here is the article:

‘My sincere apology’: iCare will pay back $38 million to 53,000 injured workers

Lucy Cormack          SMH   November 11, 2021

State insurer iCare will pay $38 million to 53,000 largely underpaid injured workers affected by historic miscalculation errors between 2012 and 2019.

An iCare review of 16,000 injured worker case files has revealed an average error rate of 3.5 per cent or an underpayment of $26 a week due to miscalculated pre-injury average weekly earnings.

“I would like to offer my sincere apology to any injured worker who has been affected by this calculation error,” said ICare chief executive Richard Harding.

Among the most seriously injured and affected are 523 workers underpaid a total of more than $3.9 million, or around $7500 each.

The mass pay-out follows a joint investigation by The Sydney Morning Herald, The Age and ABC’s Four Corners which last year revealed iCare had underpaid as many as 52,000 injured workers by up to $80 million in compensation.

ICare then disputed the underpayment figures, saying it believed only 5000 to 10,000 workers had been underpaid up to $10 million in total.

Chief executive officer Richard Harding on Thursday said affected employers and employees had been unable to provide the data to accurately assess underpayments. As a result, iCare conducted a “file by file review” of 16,000 cases as a sample to assess the scale of the errors.

“We’ve been advised there is a risk of overcompensation in this approach, but the desire is to get money back as quickly as possible,” Mr Harding said.

“I would like to offer my sincere apology to any injured worker who has been affected by this calculation error.”

The underpayments were caused by errors in the calculation of pre-injury average weekly earnings for injured workers dating back to 2012, when the insurance scheme was run by WorkCover.

Mr Harding said the average lump sum to be paid to the 53,000 workers will be around $700. However, some will receive thousands.

Affected workers will receive any money owed through an adjustment of their weekly benefits for the weeks already paid. Any historical overpayments caused by the same miscalculation error will not be recouped by iCare.

Revelations of financial mismanagement and widespread underpayment across the iCare stable first emerged last year, before a subsequent review into its culture and governance revealed systemic weaknesses and a failure to hold management to account.

Labor treasury spokesman Daniel Mooched said the announcement repudiated earlier claims that only a small number of people were affected.

“As always with iCare, the devil is in the detail. But today’s announcement is meaningful for the tens of thousands of people iCare underpaid”.

Mr Mookhey said the insurer must guarantee that it will not seek to recover the money from sick and injured workers through benefit cuts or employers through higher premiums.

Upper house Greens MP David Shoebridge said the pay-out to workers followed years of chasing by unions, injured workers and non-government MPs.

While he welcomed the payments, he said there was “no evidence from iCare that this payment goes anywhere near meeting their full obligation to injured workers”.

“We will continue to press iCare for a full accounting so that no injured worker is left short-changed,” he said.

Unions have described the decision to reimburse workers as a significant step but called for greater transparency about the process.

“This is hardly an organisation that can be taken at its word. iCare executives, who are better known for receiving fat bonuses, must detail their methodology,” said Mark Morey, Secretary of Unions NSW.

Last week, a budget estimates hearing heard iCare had reported a $1.4 billion underwriting loss in the past year, with the total accumulated loss of the past three years now exceeding $6 billion.

Treasurer Matt Kean, who is responsible for iCare, told the hearing new legislation following recommendations from another review prompted by the scandal would not be introduced until 2022.

Continue Reading

Victorian Government Bites the Bullet and Mandates Vaccination

22 September 2021

At last!  A government that does the sensible thing.  The Victorian government will only open up if people are vaccinated.  Thanks to NSW the Delta variant genie is out of the bottle and spreading nationwide.  Business wants to unlock, some with no care for anyone but themselves.

Victoria wants to unlock but minimise spread among those now having more interpersonal contacts.  The R (Reproduction) number is the number of cases each case infects.  If everyone is vaccinated, less people will get it and those who have it will get it to less people.

Reasonable medical opinion is that the risks of vaccine are massively less than the risks of getting COVID, so the case against vaccination is incredibly weak on medical grounds.  The ‘right not to have your body violated’ etc sounds very dramatic, and makes vaccination equivalent to rape in a semantic sense.   But in a practical sense the two concepts are as far apart as could be.  One is sensible medicine and the other is a crime.

Anyone who thinks that this does not matter should look at the graph of NSW cases that has peaked and is just starting to fall.  Anything that can flatten the curve or make it fall is good. Anything that makes it rise is creating deaths and misery.

I am a member of the Council for Civil Liberties and have spent years working against excess government power. But sometimes it is necessary to act for the common good.  I have no time for smokers’ rights or the right to spread disease.  The Morrison government is as usual missing in action when real leadership is needed.  ‘Let every workplace decide’, is a nightmare for retail business owners, offices and just about every other employer. Gladys is similarly missing.  Dan Andrews has stepped up, despite a motley crew in the streets spreading disease and demanding the right to continue to do so.

What of the Health System?  We are going the way of the Americans by stealth, and the fact that the public system is what has helped us survive is being glossed over, hidden  by subsidies to private hospitals. The Federal government has been quietly trying to kill public medicine for years. The Medicare rebate has fallen from 85% of the AMA rate to 45%, so for the same bulk-billing work doctors incomes have almost halved over 35 years, while subsidies to the inefficient Private Health Insurers continue.  Being a GP is now a little-sought speciality.  (I have a FB page- Fix Medicare that I spend too little time on).

The States have maintained the public hospitals at a minimal level, as all the lucrative work has been siphoned off by the private system basically doing the easy stuff.  There is No slack in the system, not that counting the number of ICU beds should factor.  All our efforts should be to keep people out of Hospital and ICU by prevention of infection. 

Have a look at this article on the anti-discrimination aspects of mandatory vaccination, and also look at the NSW cases, just turning down, but likely to rise if anything, like opening up from lockdown, tips the balance.

Continue Reading

What Has Gone Wrong in Australia?

8 September 2021

John Quiggin gives a good, insightful summary in The Monthly. Monthly Today – Wednesday 8 September 2021&utm_content=The Monthly Today – Wednesday 8 September 2021+CID_77319af0620e0ea97965a0e5af6e7e60&utm_source=EDM&utm_term=The Monthly#mtr

Continue Reading

Submission to Statutory Review of Motor Accidents Act 2017

20 August 2021

This is a review of the 2017 Motor Accidents Act by Clayton Utz, lawyers, and Deloittes, accountants. It is under the umbrella of SIRA, but it is for the Minister for Customer Service, Victor Dominello as part of the review of the legislation.

The terms of reference are in the Discussion paper, which is the first reference at the end.

Summary of this Submission:

The key message of this submission is that the major problem of the CTP system is the insurers’ ability to refuse treatments, and SIRA’s unwillingness to force them to pay for reasonable treatments.  What is happening is at the level of systematic corporate fraud.

The CTP system exists to pay for the treatment of people injured in Motor Vehicle Accidents, yet a concentration on premium levels and the financial aspects of the scheme has led to a neglect to examine the workings of what should be a medical system.  If two parallel hospitals had grossly different medical results, medical administrators would be called in to examine what was wrong.  Yet when the CTP system and Private health system get wildly differing results from similar populations of doctors and patients, lawyers and accountants are called in. Clearly medical expertise is needed and this needs to come to the actual processes that the insurers are using to pay or deny treatments. Tinkering with the wording of Acts, Regulations or Guidelines will make no difference if they remain poorly enforced.

SIRA needs to take a more active role in regulating the medical decisions of insurers.  It should also refer to injured people as patients, not ‘customers’.  The word ‘customer’ suggests that there is choice. There is not. The patients do not want to be customers at all, though they did buy a policy from someone (often a different insurer some years before).

CV of Dr Arthur Chesterfield-Evans

I am a currently practising GP with degrees in surgery and Applied Science in Occupational Health principally treating WC and CTP injuries. 

I have worked in Occupational health for 40 years and was for 9 years an Australian Democrat MLC.

I have written submissions to the Hayne Royal Commission on Banking and Financial Services with regard to the NSW WC and CTP insurance schemes, the Dore and McDougall inquiries into WC, and can make these available.  I include some appendices with information about insurer behaviour as appendices to this submission.


I am writing a submission to this review from the position of a Nominated Treating Doctor (NTD), and as such see the scheme as it actually works in practice.  I submitted to the Hayne Royal Commission into Financial Services, but that inquiry did not have time to look at State insurance schemes, (though they stated that they were within its terms of reference). It seems that the key problem is that the whole scheme and orientation and skills of those both creating the scheme and those conducting the inquiry have been in the area of accounting or law trying to supervise insurers.   

I note in the Background introduction to your discussion paper that there was ‘extensive consultation and deliberation on the part of the NSW Government, SIRA, the insurance industry, the legal profession, road users and other stakeholders as the best way to reform the scheme[1]’.  Presumably the patients for whom the scheme exists and the doctors who treat them are covered as ‘other stakeholders’, but the fact that they are last and not even specifically mentioned exemplifies the distorted priorities of the scheme.  Hopefully it does not presage the same approach in this review, but I note that it is being done by lawyers and accountants, who will need to consult more widely if they are to get much insight into why the system is such an expensive failure.

My view as a Nominated Treating Doctor is that the key problem is that the whole scheme is viewed through a financial prism, with relatively unsupervised insurers gouging profits by refusing treatments to injured people.  The amount of money gouged can be seen from the percentage of the money actually paid to treat as opposed to overheads and profits.  The appalling medical results are a consequence of the treatments delayed and denied by insurers. The system will not be fixed until the issue of insurers interfering in treatments is addressed. This will involve a much tougher regulatory regime where insurers are made to pay for treatments. Currently there is no punishment or disincentive that discourages unreasonable treatment delays or denials.  The simplest solution is to require insurers to pay the reasonable medical costs.  Obviously there would also have to be some effort to contain unreasonable medical bills.  Compulsion and Punishment are harsh words, and politically difficult, which is the reason that it is not spoken or much less done, in a political context where the wording of legislation appears to be dictated to ministers by the insurers.

The Key Issue

The key issue overlooked is that CTP is a medical insurance scheme, which primarily exists to pay for the treatment of people injured in motor vehicles. The standard of medical care should be that achieved by privately insured patients.  If there were two hospitals with similar populations and staff competence but wildly varying outcomes, a medical administrator would be asked to look at the situation and would look at the medical results and ask doctors.  Yet in the WC and CTP schemes for some reason they ask lawyers and accountants.  Tinkering with the words in Acts, Regulations and Guidelines are of no use if they are not enforced.

The Economic Framework

To look at the broader economic framework, it might be noted that because the two World Wars were fought over access to markets, the conference at Bretton Woods in 1944[2] set up the world to be one market, with those who succeeded in selling their products advancing at the expense of those who did not.  It has been reinforced by trade treaties that have prevented countries having protectionism and lessening trade barriers.  It may have prevented wars.  But it has allowed the rise of multinational companies, who cannot be controlled by any one government and can avoid taxes.  Some of these companies have become more powerful than many governments and governments are increasingly unwilling to intervene in markets. Often they see themselves as pleading for capital investment in their jurisdiction, so their key objective is to lower costs for business. 

In terms of the cost of products, in this case insurance, a market system will only reduce prices when there is real competition, and this requires transparency.  If there is an imperfect market, it needs to be regulated.  The NSW CTP scheme is like this.  It is a cartel that is poorly regulated.  Added to this there has been a rise in the corporate ethos that the sacred duty of a manager is to make a profit.  This was most famously espoused by Milton Friedman in 1970 who said, ‘The  only social responsibility of business is to use its resources and engage in activities designed to increase its profits…so long as it stays within the rules of the game, which is to say engages in open and free competition without deception of fraud’.  The first part of this quote has set a new norm, and sadly the government no longer fills the second half of the quote; the role of setting boundaries in terms of insurer behaviour. 

Corporate Responsibility

The lack of any sense of social responsibility was well illustrated in the testimony of John Nagle at the Parliamentary Inquiry into iCare where he was trying re-define the end point of treatment and payment by iCare to be when people were declared fit for partial work, rather than when they actually returned to work[3].  This would have saved iCare a lot of money by pushing people off workers compensation to a much lower level of Centrelink NewStart benefit.  In other words, he displayed no concern for the social consequences of his actions, he was merely concerned with the financial result for iCare.  His personal sense of entitlement[4] to benefits and nepotism are another issue, again as a result of the emergence of a new class of managers who have little understanding of or care for those who are affected by their decisions. The situation in the CTP system is analogous to the WC system. 

Government Oversight

In terms of the government’s oversight or regulation of the CTP insurers, it is illustrative to look at the dismal history of government regulation in Australia.  Governments never ‘regulate’ powerful interests effectively. Banks, casinos, insurers, nursing homes, mental health systems, media, miners, builders have all had recent scandals.  They all in theory have had regulatory bodies but any change comes from whistle-blowers, never regulators.  Even after the scandals the inquiry reports make little difference.  NSW insurers have had the Dore report, the McDougall Report and a Parliamentary committee, but insurers continue to dud patients, and SIRA still does not discipline them, support NTDs, collect relevant statistics or even look at relevant areas when complaints are made.

I note from the SIRA website that there have been 40,879 claims. Of these 16,315 (40%) requested internal insurer reviews, and there are 7,169 (18%) disputes[5].  The Dispute Resolution Service (DRS) had 77% Medical disputes, which are basically insurers refusing to pay for treatments, but only 40% of these had been resolved with another 11% withdrawn. We might ask wonder what the average delay was, and note that people sit in pain for months waiting for these disputes to be resolved.  We might also ask why so many were withdrawn- perhaps they got treatment elsewhere.  The DRS also only upheld the complaint in 422/742 (56%) of cases[6]. SIRA did not give figures for the percentage of Internal Reviews that upheld the original insurer decision, but my experience is that it is high, perhaps 80%.  It is hard to believe that these internal reviews are other than a time-wasting fob-off measure so that the patient will go elsewhere for treatment.

The government has been keen to keep insurance premiums low and seems willing to let insurers compete to do this with minimal supervision of their activities.  The NSW government has a vested interest in trying to shift the CTP costs to the other health funding bodies, the Federal government (Medicare), Private Health Insurers and patients.  Naturally this is unstated. 

Consumers’ Lack of Power

Since the consumers do not know which company delivers the best deal, the market is no discipline at all.  SIRA was set up by insurance interests as if to regulate insurers and make sure that they were very diligent in not paying too much.  SIRA do not have a corresponding diligence in making sure that insurers give a fair deal to patients.  It is hard to escape the conclusion that if SIRA were to have the temerity to challenge insurers seriously it would have adverse effects on the careers of those within SIRA.  The only way that the situation will be improved is if SIRA’s role is changed to that of an auditor and policeman.  Currently the incentives are all for treatment denials as the insurers are in a perpetual conflict of interest situation. Any moneys that they avoid paying to patients, they keep as profits, so if no one stops their treatment denials, that is what they will do.

Health Insurance Efficiency

A comparison of health insurance systems is illustrative.  Medicare’s overheads are about 4.5%.  Private health insurers, who compete but are obliged to pay at least a proportion of doctors’ fees, have overheads of about 12.5%, whereas CTP insurers only pay out about 50% or less.  The US Health System is widely regarded as the worst in the developed world at delivering equitable health care, and US key health indices, infant mortality and life expectancy are very poor as a result.  The US health care system is however, the best in the world at doing what it was arguably set up to do, to turn injury and illness into profit.  Comparing US health funds, their overheads vary from about 12.5% to over 35%, and it might be noted that they control which doctors patients may go to, and what those doctors may do. They have high costs in terms of patient churn, and the need to account for every tiny procedure and to run a parallel record system.  Because of the complexity of the systems, it is difficult for the patients to make real comparisons of the service that they may or may not be getting.  So the insurers wishing to increase their profit tend to increase supervision and restriction of doctors to keep the costs down, rather than improve services so that they can claim to offer a better product.  The Australian CTP insurers are following this model. 

Lack of Power of Nominated Treating Doctors (NTDs)

From the point of view of the Nominated Treating Doctors (NTD) it would seem that the insurers’ aim is to replace the role of the NTD by their algorithms or flow charts and control the treatment.  (iCare spent a lot of money on computer software to this end).  Cost control is often achieved by refusing investigations, referrals to specialists, or treatments and also by encouraging premature return to work (RTW).  To achieve this last they send their representative, a Rehabilitation Coordinator, to be a presence at a significant number of doctor consultations both to report back to the insurer and often to pressure the Nominated Treating Doctor to follow whatever path that the insurer thinks will minimise their costs.  The Rehabilitation Coordinator is in theory chosen by the patient, but in practice the patient has never heard of such a person and if they are given a choice by the insurer, the choice is from a list that the insurer has compiled.  Again in theory the Rehabilitation Coordinator is a professional who acts in the interest of the patient.  But the individual Rehabilitation Coordinator gets their work from an agency that is chosen by the insurer, so that professional has to please the agency that has to please the insurer.  Most rehabilitation coordinators see the insurer as the client, rather than the patient, which is hugely undermining of their professional role. Many Rehab agencies simply advertise to insurers or employers. The words ‘patient’ or ‘doctor’ are not even on their websites. The Rehab coordinators should be chosen by the patients in consultation with their doctors. If this happened the Rehab coordinators would market to doctors and owe their loyalty to patients as they should.

The position of the NTD is also undermined by the insurer using Independent Medical Examiners (IMEs) to give opinions on the treatments.  NTDs generally do not even get the courtesy of a copy of these opinions which are often used to deny either liability for the pathology or treatments for it.  SIRA has declined to insist that the doctor gets a copy of the report, which may be denying his/her patient’s treatment. 

Independent Medical Examiners (IMEs)

The role of IMEs needs to have close attention.  Insurers seem much enamoured of doctors who will write reports that shift the liability elsewhere, deny that the pathology is serious, deny that the treatment is necessary, or conclude that the patient is ‘faking or exaggerating’.  The doctors are often hired through agencies that take a commission and agencies presumably also will not engage doctors who do not please the insurers with their reports.  I have observed that some of these doctors are flown in from Canberra, Brisbane, Melbourne or Lismore, so clearly the work is very lucrative.  One might ask why there are not enough doctors in Sydney capable of doing such work? 

I have also looked at websites like which give patient feedback on the doctors who examine them.  Some doctors who do IMEs have glowing reports about the kindness and competence from the patients that they treat, but terrible reports from the patients having IMEs.  One might term this the Dr Jekyll and Dr Hyde syndrome which seems to be that their judgement and manner changes in different situations, perhaps because they have a predetermined view of patients coming to them with a controversy over their legitimacy, or perhaps the fee structure influences them.

Quantifying Insurer Treatment Denials

I kept statistics of insurer denials of requests for MRIs or specialist referrals, and sent these to the Hayne Royal Commission. I have included this as Appendices 3 and 4. There were considerable differences between insurers which, if made public, would have had a huge effect on the sales of CTP insurers.  I also asked SIRA on a number of occasions to supervise insurers more closely and compile these type of figures, but they have declined to do so.  It might be noted that insurers suffer no sanction if they refuse treatments. You might note that I successfully introduced amendments to the Workers Compensation Amendment Bill in 2000 to penalise insurers who defrauded patients[7], but these provisions are at the discretion of SIRA and have never been used.  They do not even exist in the CTP legislation.  Making these insurer treatment denial figures public would be a sanction that would change insurer behaviour, but it seems that the rhetoric of ‘transparency’ is only rhetoric. 

It must be understood that when insurers refuse treatments, the NTDs are under pressure from the patients to find alternatives.  They therefore use their private health insurance, Medicare, or their own resources to get this treatment. If they succeed in this the CTP insurers have saved money, and so are rewarded for their refusal.  If the case is contested, which is rare if the patient gets treated and recovers, the worst that the insurer suffers is that they have to pay for the treatment, which was usually cheaper than if it had been done at CTP rates. Rewarded again for refusal!  The money is also taken out of the patient’s legal settlement.  It might be noted also that the AMA Guides to the Evaluation of Permanent Impairment also rate people who have had back operations as more impaired, so the insurer benefits from the patient not having had surgery, so tries to delay and hinder the surgery.

All these activities that are aimed at profit maximisation but delay treatments and worsen outcomes. The CTP system is a great cash cow, but does not achieve its principal purpose, which is to treat injury. Like the US system it increasingly emulates, it just makes money for the insurers while the government is loath to rein it in.

It must be conceded that there are examples of doctors overcharging. Some of this is the premium because of the extra paperwork generated by insurers demanding justification for everything. There is also a risk that the doctor will be in an adversarial situation or be called to court, though this is now less frequent.  But some fee disparities are huge.  With come negotiation it is possible for an NTD to get an MRI for a patient for close to the Medicare price of about $250, but the CTP fee is $1750 and a radiology practice, Alfred Radiology was reputed to have changed hands recently for $100 million. This is not in the interests of patients, as the insurers’ response is simply to refuse investigations.  As an NTD, we have no information except via the patients as to what the specialists charge, so NTDs cannot influence this.  I have had a letter from an insurer who demanded that I choose a different specialist as he was too expensive, but there is no data on specialists’ charges or success rates and the insurer merely assumed that I would find a cheaper one in response to their demand.

Control of the process needs to be given to the treating doctors.  The NTDs are almost all GPs, and so have very modest fees relative to the specialists, rehab coordinators, exercise physiologists, physiotherapists, psychologists and presumably private detectives who are quietly and silently used. The role of private detectives is not usually seen by NTDs either, but what happens in practice is that the patient has their liability denied or treatment refused. When they then try to work, often against medical advice, they are photographed and this is assumed to prove that they are fit to work but faking illness and their treatment is even more unequivocally denied.  Usually they only tried to work despite their pain because they had absolutely no money. The myth that CTP is a non-adversarial system is a nonsense, and it seems that only SIRA tries to believe it to justify their highly passive role.  I have spent 35 years in the workers compensation area. I started believing that I had to use my medical expertise to diagnose patient fraud.  I have concluded that very few patients feign injury, of the order of 2% at most, but insurers’ mighty efforts not to pay results in their perpetuating the myth that either there are a lot of people faking, or they have to be very vigilant less anyone be faking.  The cost of all this checking costs far more than the treatments would cost, but it seems that insurers would prefer to spend money on anything but treating people.  I have an example of genuinely injured people who have 4 specialist reports and a security report all trying to deny liability for treatments that were obviously necessary.  3 years after his injury, the man is still substantially untreated.

If an injured person exaggerates their symptoms, IMEs will all write reports and private investigators will film them. They will be denied and vilified. Yet insurers systematically set up overlong protocols so that there are inherent delays and denials that inconvenience every case, create suspicion, an adversarial system, financial hardship and depression and then frequently deny treatment that is entirely justified, but they are never called out.  It is my opinion that over 95% of the fraud in the CTP system is perpetrated by the insurers and less than 5% by patients.  The cost of all this checking, which is far more than the fraud that it supposedly prevents is another reason why the system is a failure. The Banks were criticised by Hayne for their systematic deceptive conduct. Insurers are considerably worse, as they are able either to allege widespread fraud or to claim that they are preventing it.  Frankly this is nonsense.  Very few people pretend to be injured and almost no one ever volunteers for surgery that they do not need.

It might be noted that while medical records can be subpoenaed with absolutely no privacy for the patients, insurer records of denials are in no way available for scrutiny, because while the medical system is supposedly non-adversarial, the legal system is and its privacy is regarded as far more important.  If the insurer records are merely keeping track of the patients history and we are in a non-adversarial system, let them justify the ‘medical decisions’ that they make as doctors have to justify theirs.  I will not hold my breath.  My view is that insurers make their decisions for cost and legal reasons which would often not stand any reasonable medical scrutiny from someone who actually knew the patient.

It might also be noted that insurers have recently been pushing for treatments to be assessed by their ‘cost-effectiveness’.  This might sound fine but if we consider an experiment where two groups of patients with back pain were treated with one group having a GP who regularly prescribed pain killers, and the others had no treatment, arguably at the end of the year the backs of the two groups would be the same, so a year’s pain relief would not be ‘cost-effective’.  Insurers should pay for standard treatments and negotiate with medical colleges if guidelines are needed to define these. If they wish to pay for research on the success rates of various regimes, let them liaise with SIRA and the doctors and set up protocols to do this.  The NTDs would probably be willing to assess the end points.  Insurers should not merely be able to refuse treatment venally or at whim, which from an NTD perspective appears to be the current situation.

Insurers Influencing Treatment Guidelines

The creation of treatment guidelines also need to be mentioned.  There are guidelines for the treatment of Whiplash injuries.  The combination of whiplash injuries with low back pain is probably the commonest GP presentation of motor vehicle accidents. Patients are rear-ended and get whiplash and low back pain.  Medical guidelines were produced on the treatment of whiplash which suggested that no scans were needed unless certain ‘red flag’ conditions were met.  The groups who are most responsible for treating whiplash would be emergency doctors and neurosurgeons. Neither of these had a representative on the committee that created the guidelines which had insurer representatives and doctors who all took a very long-term view of the situation. Whiplash however is an acute condition, and an early diagnosis can save months of time for the cost of a simple MRI (or even a CT, though these have dangerous levels of radiation if done as a routine in a population).  Yet these Whiplash guidelines have been widely used by insurers to deny scans on MVA patients. The lesson is that SIRA should not have any insurer representatives either in the creation of guidelines or in the selection of doctors who are to adjudicate the disputes that the insurers create.

Objectives of the Act

The key elements of this submission relate to Objective (a) to encourage early and appropriate care. As is stated[8] the key to this is post-accident recovery, not monetary compensation. This means optimum treatment as soon as possible. 

The insurers have a lot of time to make their liability decisions and can even ask for more time to do exhaustive investigations and demand past medical records, and deny liability or treatment until these are obtained.  Doctors regard this as tiresome, as the records may be old, the patient may no longer be with them.  Overseas students of visa holders may not have records available, and often see doctors at random as they have no Medicare.  Insurers boast (e.g Allianz) that they have a flexible workforce with part-time workers which is good for women. This is fine, but the injured people have to wait until the claims manager is back and the decision is delayed. The delays and denials have immense effects on the mental health of injured people and the insurers then sometimes endeavour to prove that they had previous psychological problems. The fact that they are injured, in pain, cannot work, and have their personal and family relationships undermined, have a loss of income and have had their treatment refused is presumed to be not relevant.  I attach a list of 83 examples of insurer misdeeds that I sent to the Hayne Royal Commission as Appendix 1. This list is somewhat dated now, but new examples continually recur at much the same rate.

The key point is that the insurers are the chief cause of the failure to deliver timely and appropriate care, and are the reason why the treatment and results are inferior to normal private patients, or even Medicare ones (when the Medicare delays are ignored.  The Medicare waiting time for non-urgent operations is often over a year).  No progress will be made in fixing the health aspects of the CTP system until the insurers are made to pay for the treatments that the NTDs try to initiate.  The insurers try to undermine and supplant the roles of the NTDs, but have neither the expertise nor the patient contact and knowledge to make this a viable proposition.  The insurers manage the claims to minimise their costs and do not acknowledge that letting the doctors get on with the cases would be the best way to optimise outcomes.

The question for this inquiry should be, ‘How do we make insurers actually meet their obligations under the Act when every dollar they save by not treating patients goes to their bottom line?’  It is understood that insurance staff, who are somewhat pretentiously called ‘Case Managers’ which assumes either that they have supplanted the doctors’ role  or that the money is more important than the medicine.  They are paid bonuses to get the cost of claims below certain targets. This results in the Claims clerks managing the money, rather than the patient’s interest.  One might ask how they can be expected to manage in the interest of the patient, when their own interest is to minimise the cost of the treatment?  The problems in the insurance schemes are the incentives and protocols from top management, yet the Claims clerks are the ones abused for refusing treatments, and in most cases will not give their surnames, calling themselves Alison S. or similar.  For people whose job is to give out money to help people this alone is a good indication that they are not working as the legislation intended.  Claims clerks should be referred to as claims clerks, not case managers, by SIRA.  Insurers should be prohibited from providing incentives for these clerks not to treat people. SIRA should audit insurer records systematically and random checks should be carried out by dedicated medical teams to see that insurer protocols are reasonable.  Currently insurers routinely demand complete medical records of patients, but there is no transparent process that looks at their records. SIRA, even when acting on complaints merely asks the insurers for explanations and in the writer’s experience accepts them.  They do not even look at the records of cases against which complaints are made.  Insurers have far too much power against patients and doctors.

Objective (b) to provide financial support for persons injured is very important and was a major improvement in the 1999 legislation.  Many people live from payday to payday and are unable to buy food or pay the rent if there are interruptions to their incomes.  This is particularly the case in students on visas or people on work visas, who it must be noted have no Medicare so are completely at the mercy of CTP insurers when they are unable to work.  It is my view that there should be significant penalties for insurers who unreasonably deny liability or treatment as currently there is no sanction for this. As a minimum the rates of denials and delays by insurers should be collected by SIRA and published to have some consumer pressure to discourage unreasonable and venal insurer behaviour.

Objective (e) is not being met because consumers have no data on which to base their purchase decisions. Competition only works if consumers have data on which to base purchase decisions and it behoves the regulator to set up a framework for competition. Simply setting up an opaque oligopoly market will not deliver any benefits for consumers, as this system amply demonstrates.  SIRA must get data on the rate of refusals of treatment requests by different insurers and publish them.  Currently the only data consumers have is price or ads on TV.

Objective 9(f) to discourage fraud in connection with third party insurance is a worthy objective, but it must be recognised that the main fraudulent behaviour is by the insurers setting protocols that systematically delay or deprive patients of benefits that they are reasonably entitled to. Any effort to control the alleged fraud by patients should not take more resources than the fraud is likely to cost. It seems that the allegations of patient fraud are grossly exaggerated, and the process of excluding it a huge and unjustified overhead of the system as a whole.  Currently it is a make-work scheme for insurers, investigators, IMEs and lawyers. 

Objective (h) is being met very poorly.  There is no comparison of insurer behaviour and no research into successful treatment in areas such as back surgery where the systematic collection of data could yield real benefits.  NTDs would benefit from knowing which surgeons did certain procedures, what they charged and what their results were. The NTDs could also have input into an assessment of the pre- and post-treatment condition of the patient.

I note that you are in the First Stage of the Review and that you are considering whether it is necessary or appropriate to engage ‘directly with stakeholders’.  I can assure you that it is.  The remarkable feature of the SIRA Surveys of WC and CTP surveys is that they seem to be couched in the most euphemistic terms imaginable.  There were 893 CTP patients surveyed and 885 WC patients[9].  The result of this is frankly shocking, but SIRA seems extremely sanguine in their report.  25% of CTP patients have a mental illness, 22% have moderate of extreme pain and those who have such pain, 40% have had a poor experience of their CTP insurer. Only 56% of patients felt that the insurer was efficient in their dealings with them, i/e 46% did not.  Only 51% said that they resolved concerns quickly, 49% did not, and only 54% felt that they acted with empathy, 46% did not.

There is no way that anything like 25% of people have a mental illness before their car accidents, so as any working doctor is likely to tell you, the mental problems are caused by the accident, and mostly by the poor way they are treated by the insurer, who, if it gets serious enough sends an IME to probe their private life and find another reason for their distress. Only just over half those surveyed are happy with the insurers at all.  Yet SIRA seems totally unfazed by this very unsatisfactory picture. It is reported almost without comment except that the information might help insurers.

Minor Injuries

Some definitions need to be addressed also.  ‘Minor injuries’ have been greatly used by insurers to lessen their liability.  While the discussion paper claims (page 9) that ‘minor injury’ is a technical term’ in the Act, in practice it is equated with triviality and used to deny payments. Whether it is merely a term of denial or whether it is term of denial because the injury is considered insignificant by the insurer is surely lost in practice.  It seems that insurers take the wording of diagnoses from the first certificate and on the basis of that determine that it is a minor injury and are very reluctant to change that classification as further facts come to light, or if the patient does not recover as they would like.    Emergency Departments try to limit their work to looking after emergencies, so tend to note diagnoses that are likely to be fatal, and discharge patients with significant pathologies such as back or neck injuries that are not immediately life-threatening.  I have had three patients discharged by EDs with significant spinal injuries requiring surgery and one requiring neck surgery.  None of the three back surgery patients (from 3 different hospitals) had that diagnosis mentioned in their hospital discharge summaries.

The diagnosis ‘soft tissue injury’ is basically a meaningless nonsense.  Apart from bones, all tissues are ‘soft’.  The exclusion of nerves, tendons, ligaments, menisci or cartilage means that most orthopaedic injuries are not soft tissue, yet whiplash and back pain are routinely dismissed as ‘soft tissue’.  It has merely become a convenient term to dismiss inconvenient persistent pain.

Minor psychological and psychiatric injury that is ‘not a recognised psychiatric diagnosis’ has resulted in a lot of semantics, as psychological definitions are not as precise as one might like.  People are often very stressed after accidents, and this is very often compounded by long delays and callous behaviour by insurers, who take no responsibility for this, and often use Psychiatrist and Psychologist IMEs to deny it, prying into their personal lives.

In Regulation 4, an injury to a spinal nerve that results in neurological signs is significant, and should not be a minor injury.  I recognise that cavilling over medical definitions may beyond the scope of this inquiry, but this is part of the framework that allows insurers to deny claims and hinder treatment, which is why the current CTP scheme is so unsuccessful compared to the results achieved by normal private medicine where the doctors are able to get on with their work without venal interference.

The CTP scheme needs to cover ‘at-fault’ and ‘not at fault’ drivers equally. (Section 3.11)

The purpose of the scheme is to cover the cost of motor vehicle accidents.  If a person has an accident and are at fault, they should be punished according to the Highway Code.  The penalty should not be that they cannot get treatment for a condition that might be life changing.  Even an episode of gross negligence does not justify a lifetime of suffering or the withholding of treatment. It merely seems petty vengeance or venality at a legislative level.

Entitlement to Benefits and treatment overseas

It is interesting that treatment benefits are not available outside Australia.  I have quite a number of Korean patients on student or work visas who were injured in MVAs here. Often these were denied reasonable treatment and it was hard to avoid the conclusion that insurers simply wanted them to go home so that they could avoid paying for necessary surgery.  A least 2 of them went home and had successful surgery in South Korea and commented that the surgery was better than in Australia and about a third the price.  If refusal of overseas surgery is to continue the price and availability of surgery here needs to be improved. 

Restricted Duties Support

While in theory patients can have support during recovery by having some degree of wage subsidy, there has been quite a lot of abuse of this provision. Some insurers have been keen that patients do any ‘make work’ task that allows them to classified as ‘fit for restricted duties’ and thus entitled to less damages.  Some employers have been happy to take such workers while their wages were subsidised, with no intention of employing them beyond the subsidised period.  Insurers have also been generally unkeen to pay for vocational training with the same amount of money as there was not a certain job at the end of the training.  Often the patient’s best interest was not much a consideration in this reckoning. There is an absence of ‘good faith’. I note that ‘insurers…must manage claims consistently with the principle of proactively supporting claimants to optimise their recovery and return to work activities,‘ and that ‘Compliance with this obligation is, as with all requirements of the Guidelines, a condition of each insurer’s licence to issue third-party policies’.

These type of heavy sanctions are very unlikely ever to be applied and tend to be imply an all-or-nothing sanction regime, while there is minimal oversight from SIRA for the day to day monitoring of individual claims management.  Obviously SIRA cannot oversee every decision on every claim, but if it were to investigate thoroughly a significant number of complaints and impose graded sanctions on insurers who had been unreasonable or unfair, it might make some difference to insurers’ currently unsatisfactory behaviour.

The General Questions in the Discussion Paper:

  1. The objectives of the Act are acceptable, though in practice the preoccupation with saving money in claims and premiums has allowed a lax regulatory regime to be set up by insurance  interests in SIRA and a distortion of their priorities to optimising insurers’ already enthusiastic  cost control. This has allowed insurers to get away with unreasonable costs in investigating claims and denial of treatments, which has meant that the medicine actually delivered is of far poorer quality than the private medicine equivalent that it is supposedly funding. 
  2. A detailed analysis of the faults of the Acts, Regulations and Guidelines are somewhat beyond me at this time, but the lack of supervision and sanctions on insurers make lofty words and intentions often more noted in the breach than the observance. The lack of detailed knowledge of the Act, Regulations and Guidelines by both patients and doctors has made this easy for insurers.  SIRA has not stepped up to ensure reasonable insurer behaviour.  Tinkering with wordings of the Act, Regulations or Guidelines is unlikely to be helpful without far better enforcement.
  3. The evidence for the failings of the CTP system are in this submission and in my submission to the Hayne Royal Commission.  (I attach my statistics on insurer denials from my submission to this inquiry and my list of patients who were subject to unreasonable insurer decisions as Appendices 3 and 4.  Some of these decisions were WC and some CTP.)  Further evidence of insurer misdeeds are in my submissions to the Dore Inquiry and the McDougall inquiry, while those submissions were directed to the WC system have great parallels in the CTP system. The government has tried to make the two systems behave similarly, and to a large extent they have succeeded in practice, with iCare behaving as a private insurer and denying treatment in a similar way, though not quite as badly as in CTP, as the legislation supports the patients better, and the influence of Unions as advocates may contribute positively towards patient welfare. 
  4. In general terms policing the existing laws offers more hope than minor tinkering with them, At fault drivers should have the same benefits as not at fault drivers, Section 3.11.  The Whiplash guidelines need to be re-written with significant input from emergency doctors and neurosurgeons and no input from insurers.  Similarly insurers should have no input to SIRA medical appointments or future guidelines. The insurers’ role is to pay for treatments, not to determine what they are, and this needs to be made clear in the acts, regulations and guidelines and policed by SIRA.
  5. As stated above, the care delivered by the CTP system is grossly inferior and far more expensive than comparable privately insurer health cover, when they should be similar. This is really a matter requiring investigation by a competent medical administrator, who has unfettered access to insurers’ files and can analyse the reason for their adverse decisions.  The inherent delays in approving obvious treatments should be removed and probably the best way to do this would be to have the medical colleges define reasonable treatment pathways for common conditions and have NTDs able to do these without waiting for insurer approval.  An alternative would  be to have doctors able to treat the patients as they saw fit, limited by costs per procedure with medical panels looking at any over-servicing or overcharging and counselling the doctors. This might allow some initial problems, but in the longer term would sort out acceptable norms and lower the current unacceptable waiting times and treatment denials.
  6. This writer is of the opinion that delay in payment to victims is unacceptably long, but is unsure of what is the reason for this.
  7. The lack of payment for attendant care  services considerably worsens the situation for injured patient where the partner has to give up time to look  after them.  Partners are unable to do their own paid work or have their study disrupted by looking after patients and insurers are often reluctant to give them home care for significant hours or for significant periods of time.  ADL (Activities of Daily Living) assessments should be done by an assessor not chosen by the insurer and the carers given reasonable help and this should not be prohibited by Section 3.25, which should be repealed.
  8. As above.  Section 3.25 does limit achievement of the objectives of the Act.
  9. The term ‘Minor injury’ is an artificial construct which merely reflects a finite period after which the insurers wish to have the right to cease payments without having to argue over every case.  Most patients discontinue treatment when it becomes unnecessary, and the arbitrary selection of 6 months is merely for insurers’ convenience. The term could not be defined because it was not in any way a medical term.  It should not exist as a medical entity. If insurers choose to review claims at a particularly point of time they may do so, but their bullying of doctors and use of Rehab coordinators to do this should have some sanction.
  10. The definition of ‘minor’ does align with a lack of perceived seriousness of an injury.  Naturally this does make it likely that it will resolve in a shorter period of time.  But if it does not do so the patient should still be entitled to be treated. The idea that treatment should be ceased because the patient has ‘stopped improving’ also needs to be challenged.  Insurers often want to close claims which are stable but have serious ongoing pain, such as knee, neck or back injuries, which often require ongoing pain relief or later surgery. The early definition of ‘minor injury’ has caused a lot of angst and dispute, and should be disallowed.
  11. Statutory benefits for at fault and not at fault persons should be the same. The treatment or non-treatment of motor vehicle accidents should not be a mechanism for punishment of driving misdemeanours. It is also very poor policy to have a CTP scheme yet leave a segment of the population without medical treatment.
  12. As above
  13. As above
  14. From the point of view of the injured at fault drivers it would be a great improvement.  It would not affect not at fault drivers who would get the same service that they get now. It would presumably raise premiums as some people would have increased coverage. It would lessen the strain on other parts of the health system that presumably pick up the tab for the treatment of the at fault drivers.  It is extraordinary that these questions are even being asked!

Statutory benefits in the form of weekly payments equivalent to weekly wages are a major benefit of the 2017 scheme.  It might be noted that many people live from week to week. It would behove SIRA to survey and be aware what percentage of the recipients are in this situation and in which demographics and to concentrate their efforts on giving these people a better deal. Changes in the IR laws have meant a casualisation of the workforce with less job security, the use of job agencies which have the discretion to reduce shifts at whim without actually sacking anyone.  There has been increased use of sub-award wages and cash payments, particularly in overseas students or working visa holders.  Often these people are unable to prove their income and efforts need to be made to ascertain or verify their pre-injury incomes so that they can get paid fairly, as most people do not have a significant surplus in their incomes and a major medium-term income downgrade often spells extreme financial stress and mental depression. SIRA should develop protocols to assess this income and have an appeal mechanism. Sometimes bank statements are evidence, but this does not always seem to be accepted.  It is also important that these benefits are paid promptly. SIRA should keep records of when injured people supply their income details and the delays they experience.  If this were monitored, it is likely that insurer performance would improve.  The cessation of payment should be when they are recovered from their injury, not at an arbitrary 6 months.  The fact that 24% of people with ‘minor injuries’ have not returned to work at 6 months is further evidence that the injury was not minor.  Obviously if they were not working at the time of the injury, they will not be getting these payment in any case.

The various categories of time for cessation of benefits seem to exist so that the costs of the treatment of MVAs can be passed from the State CTP scheme to other elements of the health system in Australia, i.e Private Health Insurance funds, Medicare or the patient themselves.  In general, if someone is injured in a motor vehicle the motor vehicle scheme should cover their loss of income and treatment, and the premiums of road users should cover this.

I note the list of obligations that the injured persons have to the insurers (page 14). These are usually trumpeted as part of the case management plans which come from insurers.  Conspicuously missing from these plans is the insurers’ obligation to pay for reasonable treatment in a reasonable time frame.  The obligations of both parties should be set by SIRA, who should provide the templates for these insurer statements. At present they are like the bank sending notice of variation of interest rates; non-negotiable. They simply define what the insurers want, and serve to set a norm in the insurers’ interest, often requiring a signature of assent at the bottom.  Both the patient and the doctor have to sign to get paid.

  1. Damages seem to vary very widely depending on the competence of the patient’s solicitors. Some solicitors seem to go for high-turnover cases with low settlement values. This needs to be examined systematically. Some of my patients with ongoing serious problems have been settled for derisory amounts, which they are not supposed to disclose.  The non-disclosure clause seems very much in the insurer’s interest.

Finally I would be very interested to know what steps you are taking to ensure input from both treating doctors and specialists and from patients to your inquiry.  These last are the people for whom the scheme exists, yet it seems that their voice is the least heard. The inquiry was not well publicised to doctors, let alone to patients.  Patients also have a poor understanding of the law and regulations, so are less likely to come forward.  It might be noted in terms of motoring organisations, NRMA used to have the slogan ‘On the Motorists’ Side’ but since their listing as IAG are now the insurer who on my figures and backed up by a more numerous sample deny more treatments than any other insurer.  They cannot be considered to speak for motorists’ interests in this situation.

Assessment of Permanent Impairment

In terms of real improvement of the CTP legislation, there needs to be a better way of assessing permanent impairment.  The AMA Guidelines for the Assessment of Permanent Impairment are in the legislation but are a nonsense that delivers very unfair outcomes.  The Guidelines are used because the legal process priced itself out of such assessments- more money was spend arguing about the money than there was there to give the patient, so this unfair AMA system was introduced.  It now has two lots of vested interest supporting it; the insurers who do not have to pay much, and the doctors who do the lucrative medicals.  The problem is that the AMA Guidelines make no distinction between an impairment and a disability.  If one has poor vision, that is an impairment.  If glasses correct this, there may be minimal disability.  Injuries that prevent people doing physical work cause a much greater disability to people who are manual workers than to those who are clerical.  But the key problem with these guidelines is that they do not consider pain because it cannot be measured and they try only to use things that can be measured quantitatively.  Back pain is the commonest cause of disabling disability, and a painful back may have a similar range of movement to a non-painful one, so that patients may be rated with minimal impairment by the tables, but be hugely disabled and unable to work at all.  I suggested an alternative scheme as an amendment to the Workers Compensation Amendment Bill No 2 2001, but this has not been examined further[10].  It involved an expert panel of three comprised of an appropriate medical specialist, a rehabilitation person who looked at what the patient could actually do, and a third member who looked at the labour market and what a person could reasonably be paid, to compare with their previous situation. The amendments were not supported as there had been insufficient discussion of the concept, which remains the case. 


The key message of this submission is that the major problem of the CTP system is the insurers’ ability to refuse treatments, and SIRA’s unwillingness to force them to pay for reasonable treatments.  What is happening is at the level of systematic corporate fraud.

The CTP system exists to pay for the treatment of people injured in Motor Vehicle Accidents, yet a concentration on premium levels and the financial aspects of the scheme has led to a neglect to examine the workings of what should be a medical system.  If two parallel hospitals had grossly different medical results, medical administrators would be called in to examine what was wrong.  Yet when the CTP system and Private health system get wildly differing results from similar populations of doctors and patients, lawyers and accountants are called in. Clearly medical expertise is needed and this needs to come to the actual processes that the insurers are using to pay or deny treatments. Tinkering with the wording of Acts, Regulations or Guidelines will make no difference if they remain poorly enforced.

SIRA needs to take a more active role in regulating the medical decisions of insurers.  It should also refer to injured people as patients, not ‘customers’.  The word ‘customer’ suggests that there is choice. There is not. The patients do not want to be customers at all, though they did buy a policy from someone (often a different insurer some years before).

Appendix 1:  83 cases of Insurer Misdeeds as given to the Hayne Royal Commission

                This is 2 files, a datafile list of the cases and an explanation of them

Appendix 2:  As given to the Hayne Royal Commission, a 2 week sample of my patients, illustrating how many of them had a problem with insurers refusing some standard treatments. It was 76% overall, with the rate varying between insurers

Appendix 4: Insurer Radiology Treatment Denials as given to the Hayne Royal Commission

This has two sample populations, my own practice and a larger survey, which was seeking services from insurers. I do not want to give the source of the second survey, but there is a discussion of the similarity of the results.

[1] Statutory Review of the Motor Accident Injuries Act 2017 Discussion Paper 5  July 2021 p3.


[3] pp 57-63,  85-88

[4] p57-63, 79-82

[5] accessed 14/8/21

[6] op cit.


[8] Statutory Review of the Motor Accidents Act 2017  5 July 2021 Clayton Utz p8

[9] /


Appendix 1:

Appendix 2

Appendix 4:

Continue Reading

Privatised Job Services- Guess who benefits?

21 July 2021

Privatisation of job services was based on the concept that competition improves performances; hey we all run faster in a race than on a jog.

It takes the simple model and assumes that public servants do not work as hard as the lean, mean private sector workers.

I  have worked in the public service here and the UK for some years. I defy anyone to say that salaried doctors do not work hard.  How does a basic 60 hours a week, with a few hours of unpaid overtime a day and on call one night in two for ICU or ED sound?

I was at Sydney Water for 13 years.  The clerical staff worked their 35 hours, but the professional staff were mainly there until 6pm, despite only being paid to 3.30pm. The clerks knew their jobs and did their jobs.  They thought about their work, prioritised the important things and did them.  Their jobs were safe, they were honest, and criticism of them was frankly misplaced.  So was the idea that a ‘blow-in’ manager could do their jobs better than they could.

The assumption of privatisation of job seeking is that contractors would do better than the CES. The Key Performance Indicators were set up so that they go paid less for people who were easier to place and more for those who were hard to place.  So it was presumably staffed as cheaply as possible, and the business model concentrated effort where the most money could be had for the least work.  People who would have got a job without the providers help at all were money for jam.  People who were very difficult to place were not worth spending time on. So instead of an ongoing effort to help people in whatever way possible there were distorting priorities- what do you expect?  In this case you get what you pay for.

There was a similar nonsense when there was a privatised effort to lower unemployment, which was in the mid-1990s.  This drive did not come with any more jobs, so the best hope was reclassification of people who were not working. Many people were sent to me as a doctor to fill in their Disability Pension forms, as the private sector were given bonuses to get people off the dole and putting them disability pension qualified as this.  And they think that the public service does paper shuffling- they are amateurs!

After they had expanded the Disability Pension numbers a few years went by and Morrison decided that there were too may people on this, so he would make it tougher to get.  He boasted that only a third as many people were put on the disability pension in one year than had been the case the year before. I knew some of the people who could not get the disability pension.  There were not enough jobs for healthy people, let alone unhealthy ones. They were demeaned and humiliated, with supposed ‘mutual obligations’.  They had to waste their time writing job applications for jobs that they had no chance of getting, and presumably the bosses wasted time either reading them, or just binning then without bothering. 

When NSW passed legislation that Workers Compensation would only be for 5 years and then they would have to apply for a disability pension the object was to transfer the costs of injured workers from the State insurers’ premiums to the federal taxpayer.  Centrelink was having none of that. Of the people kicked off Workers Comp, only about a third managed to get a disability pension; the rest were on ‘Newstart’ applying for jobs that they had no chance of getting and on far less money than before.  Patients came to me asking for ever more elaborate reports to try to get disability pensions when they needed them.

One man, a 61 year old Middle Eastern man who had been on compo for 13 years and was carer for his disabled wife could not get a disability pension.  He had chronic back pain and a limp. His English was poor, he was illiterate in English (and possibly Arabic) with a file two inches thick.  I spent a lot of time writing a report for him.  Centrelink thanked me but said they could only pay a small amount for such reports.  So I will not do such reports again, and presumably neither will any of the other doctors- we cannot afford to work for free to fight a system with a different agenda.

Meanwhile the private providers are cream-skimming, adding another layer of costs.  Because a market system transfers money upwards to those with more economic power who can control their pieces and costs, a government and a welfare system needs to transfer wealth both to everyone in society equally by building facilities everyone can use or by direct payments to those who are unable to get jobs or who are otherwise disadvantaged.

The problem is that jobs are being offshored to low wage countries or replaced by technology.  This is national problem for high income countries.  It is a problem for the whole country, but it affects some people directly.  We are all lucky that our dollar is high and our goods cheaper because low wage countries make things cheaper. So we all should contribute to make our own country more equal.

Until we demand a fair system we will not get one.  Stopping rip offs, and paying CES people a fair wage to do a fair job is a start.
Continue Reading

NDIS Individual Assessments; A Symptom of a Wider Problem

10 July 2021

The current issue in the NDIS (National Disability Insurance Scheme) is the government’s efforts to introduce ‘independent assessments’ of people on the scheme and those who want to get on the scheme.  The idea has been abandoned for the present, but that is not the end of the story. It is the beginning.

Some context is needed here.  I was on a State Parliamentary inquiry into disability funding during which we heard evidence of inefficiencies within the disability sector where often there were shortages of appropriate services, and in some areas there were none at all.  The real crunch time was when parents with children with disabilities realised that they were going to die eventually and wanted to make a plan for the rest of their child’s life.  People would apply at various facilities, and be turned away as there were no places.  They then assumed that they were on a waiting list, but usually no lists were kept. When a vacancy occurred, whoever applied at that time got it.  It was mainly luck.  Naturally the people trying to help their loved one wanted a guaranteed package that would continue after their death.  More articulate parents and carers, who had struggled for years just wanted the money to buy the services that they felt that they needed. Many carers simply wanted more services, and hoped that a national system that guaranteed services for disability.  

Given the political context of privatisation and reducing government involvement in everything, the scene was set to have disability services delivered by the private sector as a massive market for services.   The private sector naturally wanted to get access to services that had been provided by government as a source of business and profit.

Government also had a real estate agenda.  Some large institutions were on valuable land. The large facilities at Peat Island in the Hawkesbury and Stockton Disability Centre was on beachfront land just north of Newcastle.  There was a residence for the grossly disabled opposite Wollongong Hospital that had taken years of fundraising for the parents to achieve.   These could be sold off as the mental health facilities had been a few decades earlier, with the catchy slogan of putting the residents ‘back in the community’. The idea that the residents were better off isolated in a suburban homes with few facilities rather than in a community of people with the same problem and a well-structured programme of activities seemed a dubious proposition to me.  Resident groups such as the relatives of long-term psychiatric facilities at Bloomfield in Orange were very scared of the suggested changes.  There had been problems with the old system and some inappropriate facilities, but an overall lack of facilities was the major problem.  It was not even throwing the baby out with the bathwater; it seemed more like smoke and mirrors. 

The key question in dealing with any problem is how big a task is it?  When the Committee asked how many people with disabilities there were, there was no answer.  No register was kept.  The two ways of calculating it were:

  1. To add up all the people on all the types of possible benefits and get to a total. 
  2. To look at the AIHW (Aust. Institute of Health and Welfare) figures of what percentage of the population was disabled, then multiply this by the total population. 

The latter method gave figures about ten times greater.  So clearly if help or services were made more available, the numbers involved were going to blow out hugely from what was currently funded.

John Howard passed the Aged Care Act in 1998, which was the blueprint for the privatisation of the sector. Old people are very vulnerable. They have often sold the family home, so they are temporarily cashed up, looking for accommodation and long term care with mental and physical facilities failing, or they would not be there.  Carers faced with responsibilities that they were not used to and uncertain of what care was needed were easy pickings also.  The whole sector is more like a dysfunctional real estate market; a market failure due to insufficient ‘consumer information’, but also distorted incentives and priorities.

The NDIS was similar.  Private operators with slick marketing made promises which would not be tested for some time, but people were signed up now.  The not-for profit sector had never paid staff well, but most had a ‘care ethos’.  Some of the private providers did not, and regulatory supervision was minimal. The government was pro-business and trying to give away responsibility. 

But an absolute shortage of services was still a big factor.  A neighbour who was a 95 year old retired academic widower wanted 2 hours a week of home help.  For some reason he could not get a community nurse.   The best deal he could get was 2 sessions of 2 hours at $65 an hour.  The lady delivering the service was paid $21/hr.  So much for private services; the ‘overheads’ are huge.  I had suggested to Kevin Rudd’s 2020 Vision in 2000 that the Government needed to licence service providers as individuals if they wanted a market model, and our neighbour could have selected a person on a one to one basis.  (I never even got an acknowledgement).

Now the government wants ‘independent assessors’ to evaluate cases, presumably to lessen costs.  A number of points can be made about this.  It assumes that the assessors will learn more about the patient in an interview than the people who work with them already know.  The new management philosophy since the 1980s always assumes that a manager at the top will know more than the person actually doing the job.  Naturally if the object is to save money and have the person at the bottom paid minimally, requiring no skills and interchangeable in staffing, this may be true.  But if the people at the bottom were respected, trained and empowered, the need for the middle level experts might be much less.

‘Independent Medical expert’ assessors are used in the Workers Compensation and CTP systems.  They work for agencies hired by insurance companies.  Often they find the patients either have nothing wrong with them, or it is degenerative and not related to their injury.  These experts are even flown from interstate and save insurers money by denying treatments. Presumably if they find in favour of the patients, their agency gives them less work.  The agency takes its cut and has to please the insurer.  So the systems are more complicated and an ever higher percentage of the money is spent in trying not to give services.  The NZ National Accident Compensation scheme, though it was government owned, went to a private insurance model and the same thing happened.  Doctors who had a track record of denying liability were flown around the country to do their medicals.

The assumption may still be that well intentioned assessors still can do better.  My widowed mother lived alone in the family home and had a stroke.  A neighbour noticed her confused, walking on the balcony.  She recovered, but seemed to have lost some judgement.  She was assessed by an ACAT (Aged Care Assessment Team) who said that she could live alone in supported accommodation. So we got her into a unit in the grounds of an old house, where she could book a dinner at a days’ notice in the communal dining room, have a nurse onsite during the day, and had a right to a nursing home bed if she ever needed one.  Seemed perfect.  She said that she could look after herself. Can you microwave a dinner?  Yes. OK. Do it.  It got done.  No problem. Dinners in the frig. Sweets in the jar on the mantelpiece; see you in 2 days.  Arrive in 2 days.  Dinners still in the frig. Lolly jar empty. Very hungry- can we go to lunch?  She could do anything when asked, but could not initiate a process. She could not think to get a dinner from the frig, or book lunch tomorrow in the communal dining room, nor ask for help.  The one-off team could not pick this.  Neither did the family. But it emerged when the situation at home was known. This is just a story, but a carer who is savvy and properly trained will know more than a university-qualified assessor who has only a short knowledge of the patient.  And naturally the person on the job actually delivers the service and is not an extra cost. They can also judge relative needs of people on a run or in an area if resources are limited.

So the scheme to bring in assessors is the tip of an iceberg. 

Private insurance models have huge problems at many levels.  The overheads of Medicare are a bit under 5%. The overheads of Private Health Insurers are about 12%, and they cannot refuse to pay doctors.  The overheads of US Health insurers are about 12-36%, as the best way to improve profits is to cut costs (payments to patients) rather than increase services and then try to prove you have and sell on that basis.  At the bottom of the efficiency barrel is our own NSW CTP system with overheads of almost 50%. The question has to be what is the focus of the system?  Delivering services, or saving money?  The US health insurers, like our CTP scheme are very good at making money.  What they make their money from just happens to be people rather than widgets.  The main cost savings of privatisation seems to be destroying award conditions and lowering ‘staff costs’.  The immense administrative savings from universal systems, where determining entitlement and paying for profits are eliminated cannot be matched by any private system, despite what the ideologues might pretend.

The NDIS is currently a fund supposedly to help people with disabilities.  These people apply to get ‘packages’ of money and services.  Businesses persuade people to spend their packages with them. It is a market.  But there are more people with disabilities than was expected, for the reasons discussed above.  So a new level of assessors, were to be rolled in, but a huge outcry has prevented this temporarily.  But the problems that led to the need for the assessors remain implicit in the design of the NDIS, which is fatally flawed.  The government, particularly this one, is not going to take this very large bag of lollies from the private sector.  The totally inefficient Private Health Insurers (PHI) give money to political parties and advance by stealth, letting Medicare become irrelevant for health care. Disability is now also privatised, and a new private lobby is in there.  It has not yet generated a Royal Commission into its rip-offs, but it will, not that the Aged Care Royal Commission has stopped the privatisation of aged care.  The political forces are too great.  It is ironic that as Medicare is starved and pays less and less of the doctors’ fees its levy was increased, using a wave of sympathy for people with disabilities to make a bigger pool of money for increasingly private disability providers.

How to fix the problem?

I do not pretend to have all wisdom on this, but in dealing with difficult political problems I think it is wise to set a direction, take some basic steps and consult widely, looking for advice particularly from those who do not get an immediate financial benefit.

Here is a start:

Recognise that disability is not a sickness.  Some disabilities are inherited; others are acquired due to accident, illness or aging. The sector is quite diverse, often divided up by the type of disability or how it was acquired.   Sickness has an ‘episode’ model, based on traditional infectious diseases or surgical treatment models. Disability tends to be long-term and may improve or be worked around, or may degenerate gradually. As such it needs long-term solutions like welfare, but using the term ‘welfare’ now implies charity. Disability funding is funding to enable those less fortunate to have as normal a life as possible. From our common wealth, we give more to those who need more so that our society has equal opportunity for all. We are being taught that tax must be minimised and if we are getting less than we pay we are being ripped off.  A better model is to consider the statement by Rhonda Galbally, ex-CEO of VicHealth, ‘There are two populations, the disabled and the not-yet disabled; if you are lucky enough to be in the second group, you should be happy to help pay for the first’.

The idea of a universal service obligation is the cornerstone.  We should start with the assumption that people with disabilities should live in our  society with as  normal a life as possible and we should adapt to support them in as cost-effective way as possible. 

My suggestion is that the Community Nursing service is the basic structural framework.  We assume that people with disabilities will be living in society, and need varied and integrated support.  If they are born with a disability or acquire one, they will come in contact with the acute hospital system, which will hopefully document their situation and alert the community support system.  People on the ground will then liaise with family to see what support there is for independent living, and organise resources, calling in specialists of required. The cost of home support may be part of a package or allowance.  Individuals may register to offer services for everything from shopping, cleaning and lawn mowing to medical or paraplegic support services.  The government will register and insure both practitioners and those who use their services and may put training requirements on those who wish to register for some skills.  A market with consumer feedback as exists for restaurants or other practitioners will allow people to hire help directly without big corporations adding massive overheads.

Whether the monies are paid separately of via Centrelink is an administrative question, but Centrelink has to have a major makeover so that it is not the niggardly decider of the ‘worthy poor’ with its chief function being to avoid paying anyone, or paying as little as possible.  If society cannot find everyone employment, we must share what we have to those who are disadvantaged by disability or circumstance. This will collide head on with the problem of increased numbers of those with disabilities, but the extra load must be seen as part of having a decent society. 

The way we are going seems to be privatising, allowing huge profits, then running out of money and shutting the gate on those who do not yet have packages.   The independent assessors were merely the instruments of Managers who were not able to make their own assessments and did not trust the people who actually deliver the services.  The assessor problem was the tip of the iceberg of a system that has all its underlying assumptions wrong, but sadly has a lot of  political power that having been created, may not be able to be undone.  The first step is to understand what is happening.  Hence this lengthy post.

Continue Reading

NDIS= Privatisation of Welfare

10 June 2021

It seems that the most sacred duty of corporations is to make as much profit as possible in the framework that they are in. So unless the framework restricts what they can charge and make, why would anyone expect them to behave differently?

It seems that the ‘not-for-profit’ sector is drawing from the same managerial pool, with the same ethos and expensive tastes.

My view is that a strong home support system with community nurses as its major foot-soldiers would be in the best position to assess need and relative need and bring in extra services as required.

The current top-heavy, privatised, hands-off NDIS model with ‘experts’ who do not know the people dropped in a short notice to dispense individualised packages rather than an overall programme is a sure recipe for rip-offs or resource misallocation.

Expect more examples of rip-offs until the model is changed.

Continue Reading